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Union Station: Checking in on public-sector union cases appealed to the Supreme Court

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Checking in on public-sector union cases appealed to the Supreme Court 

Note: In observance of the Thanksgiving holiday, we will not be publishing Union Station on Nov. 25. The next edition of Union Station will arrive on Dec. 2.

So far this month, the Supreme Court has rejected three petitions in public-sector union cases we’ve been tracking and requested responses in three other cases. We’ll outline the details of both sets of cases below. 

But first, an update on our last edition. Illinois voters approved Amendment 1 on Nov. 8, establishing the right to collective bargaining in the state constitution and making Illinois the first state to ban right-to-work laws in its constitution. The measure passed 58.4% to 41.6%. 

Now, back to the Supreme Court: 

Denied petitions

The Supreme Court receives 7,000 to 8,000 petitions every year. In order for a petition to be granted, at least four of the nine justices must vote to hear the case. Between 2007 and 2021, the court issued opinions in an average of 75 cases per year. 

Since the Supreme Court’s 2018 ruling in Janus v. AFSCME, Ballotpedia has tracked close to 200 public-sector union lawsuits in federal and state courts, over 60 of which have been appealed to the Supreme Court since the 2018-2019 term. Earlier this term, the court agreed to hear a case challenging the Federal Labor Relations Authority’s jurisdiction to regulate a collective bargaining dispute between the Ohio National Guard and the American Federation of Government Employees. Aside from that case, none of the petitions we’ve tracked since Janus have been granted. 

The Supreme Court denied the following petitions in public-sector union cases on Nov. 7 and Nov. 14: 

Cooley v. California Statewide Law Enforcement Association
  • Appealed from the Ninth Circuit. 
  • Appeal docketed Sept. 9, 2022. Respondents waived the right to respond. Distributed for conference on Nov. 4, 2022.
  • Question presented in the petition: “Does the Constitution allow a public-sector union to enter into a contract with a state employer that restricts a public employee’s constitutional right to resign his union membership?”
  • Petition denied Nov. 7. 
Polk v. Yee (And Quirarte v. United Domestic Workers AFSCME Local 3930, consolidated in the appellate court)
  • Appealed from the Ninth Circuit. 
  • Appeal docketed Sept. 8, 2022. Respondents waived the right to respond. Distributed for conference on Nov. 4, 2022. 
  • Questions presented in the petition
    • “Do states and unions need clear and compelling evidence that nonmembers of a union waived their First Amendment right to refrain from subsidizing union speech in order to constitutionally seize payments for union speech from those individuals?” 
    • “When a union acts jointly with a state to seize union payments from nonmembers’ wages, is that union a state actor participating in a state action under 42 U.S.C. § 1983?”
  • Petition denied Nov. 7. 
Schaszberger v. AFSCME Council 13
  • Appealed from the Third Circuit. 
  • Appeal docketed Oct. 20, 2022. Respondents waived the right to respond. Distributed for conference on Nov. 10, 2022. 
  • Question presented in the petition: “Is there a ‘good faith’ defense under 42 U.S.C. § 1983 that shields a defendant from damages liability for depriving citizens of their constitutional rights if the defendant acted under color of a state law before this Court held the law was unconstitutional?” 
  • Petition denied Nov. 14. 

Response requested

According to the clerk of the Supreme Court’s office, “The Court will sometimes schedule a case for conference, but then request a response from the respondent(s) before the petition is actually considered at conference. Such a request will be noted on the docket, and will generally give the respondent 30 days to submit the response. Once the response is received, the Clerk’s Office will place the case on the next relevant conference list that is at least 14 days after the date that the last response is filed.”

The court requested responses in the following cases: 

File v. Hickey (formerly File v. Brost)
O’Callaghan v. Drake
  • Appealed from the Ninth Circuit. 
  • Appeal docketed Sept. 9, 2022. Respondents waived the right to respond. Distributed for conference on Nov. 4, 2022. 
  • Question presented in the petition: “Whether a union can trap a government worker into paying dues for longer than a year under Janus[.]” 
  • The court requested a response on Nov. 2 and granted the respondents’ request to extend the deadline to Jan. 3, 2023. 
Savas v. California State Law Enforcement Agency
  • Appealed from the Ninth Circuit. 
  • Appeal docketed Sept. 8, 2022. Respondents waived the right to respond. Distributed for conference on Nov. 4, 2022. 
  • Questions presented in the petition
    • “Does it violate the First Amendment for a state and union to compel objecting employees to remain union members and to subsidize the union and its speech?”
    • “To constitutionally compel objecting employees to remain union members and to subsidize the union and its speech, do states and unions need clear and compelling evidence the objecting employees waived their First Amendment rights?” 
    • Amici curiae: Goldwater Institute, Americans for Fair Treatment, Alaska, et al.
  • The court requested a response on Nov. 2 and granted the respondents’ requests to extend the deadline to Jan. 3, 2023. 

What we’re reading

The big picture

Number of relevant bills by state

We are currently tracking 150 pieces of legislation dealing with public-sector employee union policy. On the map below, a darker shade of green indicates a greater number of relevant bills. Click here for a complete list of all the bills we’re tracking. 

Number of relevant bills by current legislative status

Number of relevant bills by partisan status of sponsor(s) 

Recent legislative actions

No public-sector union bills saw activity this week.


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Appeals court extends block of Biden administration’s student loan forgiveness plan

The U.S. Court of Appeals for the Eighth Circuit on November 14 extended its pause on the Biden administration’s plan to forgive up to $20,000 of federal student loan debt per borrower. The court initially blocked the plan on Oct. 21, and forgiveness will remain frozen until the court reviews an appeal from six states suing the administration. The states argue the executive branch does not have the power to forgive student loans without the approval of Congress.

The appeal came after U.S. District Judge Henry Autrey ruled on Oct. 20 that the states did not sufficiently demonstrate that the forgiveness plan harmed them, so they did not, in his view, have the standing to sue. The states argued that the administration’s forgiveness plan would harm their investments and reduce their tax revenues, which was, in their view, a sufficient basis to sue.

The six states (Arkansas, Iowa, Kansas, Missouri, Nebraska, and South Carolina) filed a joint lawsuit against the Biden administration on September 29. The states alleged the administration overstepped its executive authority under the HEROES Act. The states also argued that the Department of Education was legally required to collect student loans and could not stop collecting without congressional approval.

Of the six states, five have Republican trifectas and one (Kansas) has a divided government. All of the states except Iowa have Republican attorneys general.

If the forgiveness plan survives court challenges, it will cancel $10,000 in student loan debt per person for individual tax filers making less than $125,000 or married filers with less than $250,000 in income. Pell Grant recipients are eligible to have an additional $10,000 forgiven under the plan.

Additional reading:

State responses to federal mandates

Court cases related to federalism

Legislation related to federalism



U.S. weekly unemployment insurance claims rise to 225,000

New applications for U.S. unemployment insurance benefits rose 7,000 for the week ending November 5 to a seasonally adjusted 225,000. The previous week’s figure was revised up from 217,000 to 218,000. The four-week moving average as of November 5 fell to 218,750 from a revised 219,000 as of the week ending October 29.

The number of continuing unemployment insurance claims, which refers to the number of unemployed workers who filed for benefits at least two weeks ago and are actively receiving unemployment benefits, rose 6,000 from the previous week’s revised number to a seasonally adjusted 1.493 million for the week ending October 29. Reporting for continuing claims lags one week.

Unemployment insurance is a joint federal and state program that provides temporary monetary benefits to eligible laid-off workers who are actively seeking new employment. Qualifying individuals receive unemployment compensation as a percentage of their lost wages in the form of weekly cash benefits while they search for new employment.

The federal government oversees the general administration of state unemployment insurance programs. The states control the specific features of their unemployment insurance programs, such as eligibility requirements and length of benefits.

Additional reading:

Unemployment insurance

Unemployment insurance fraud



Federal Register weekly update: More than 20,000 notices issued so far in 2022

Image of the south facade of the White House.

The Federal Register is a daily journal of federal government activity that includes presidential documents, proposed and final rules, and public notices. It is a common measure of an administration’s regulatory activity, accounting for both regulatory and deregulatory actions.

From November 14 through November 18, the Federal Register grew by 2,682 pages for a year-to-date total of 70,700 pages.

The Federal Register hit an all-time high of 95,894 pages in 2016.

This week’s Federal Register featured the following 592 documents:

  1. 469 notices
  2. Five presidential documents
  3. 41 proposed rules
  4. 77 final rules

Seven proposed rules, including revisions to natural disaster procedures from the Engineers Corps, and six final rules, including amendments to regulations under the Privacy Act of 1974 from the Homeland Security Department were deemed significant under E.O. 12866—defined by the potential to have large impacts on the economy, environment, public health, or state or local governments. Significant actions may also conflict with presidential priorities or other agency rules. The Biden administration has issued 202 significant proposed rules, 219 significant final rules, and four significant notices as of November 18.

Ballotpedia maintains page counts and other information about the Federal Register as part of its Administrative State Project. The project is a neutral, nonpartisan encyclopedic resource that defines and analyzes the administrative state, including its philosophical origins, legal and judicial precedents, and scholarly examinations of its consequences. The project also monitors and reports on measures of federal government activity.

Additional reading:

Click here to find yearly information about additions to the Federal Register from 1936 to 2019: https://ballotpedia.org/Historical_additions_to_the_Federal_Register,_1936-2019



54% of state legislatures are Republican, 44% Democratic following 2022 general election

As of November 17, 2022, 54% of all state legislatures in the United States are Republican while 44% are Democratic. There are 7,383 state legislative seats in the country.

Republicans hold the majority in 56 chambers, and Democrats hold the majority in 39 chambers. One chamber (Alaska House) is organized under a multipartisan, power-sharing coalition. As of November 17, control of four legislative chambers remained uncalled following the 2022 elections. Click here for more details.

Democrats hold 860 state Senate seats and 2,396 state House seats, and lost 16 seats since September of this year. Republicans hold 1,097 state Senate seats and 2,921 state House seats, and gained 24 seats since September.

Independent or third-party legislators hold 36 seats across 14 different states, including 30 state House seats and six state Senate seats. There are 64 vacant state House seats and nine vacant state Senate seats.

Additional reading:

State senators

State representatives



Progress report tracking school board conflict elections from Nov. 8

Welcome to the Friday, November 18, Brew. 

By: Douglas Kronaizl

Here’s what’s in store for you as you start your day:

  1. Tracking school board conflicts by the numbers
  2. Twenty-two states in 2018 and 2020 elected statewide candidates from a different party
  3. #FridayTrivia: How many states elected a governor and U.S. Senator from a different party (so far)?

Tracking school board conflicts by the numbers

Since 2021, we’ve tracked school board elections where topics regarding race in education, coronavirus responses, or sex and gender in schools come into play.

To date, we have tracked 1,451 races, involving 9,419 candidates.

Of that total, 561 school districts across 26 states held elections on Nov. 8 featuring at least one of the three conflict topics with 1,800 seats up for election.

We are hard at work identifying the winners in these races and seeing where they stand on the three conflict topics.

As of Nov. 17, we have completed our research on 1,263, or 70%, of the 1,800 winners from the Nov. 8 elections. Here’s an update on what we have found so far.

As part of this research, we label each winner as either supporting or opposing the three conflict topics. If we cannot determine a stance, we mark the winner unclear

Broadly, a candidate is labeled supporting if they support things like including the role of race in curricula or learning materials, mask and/or vaccine requirements, or the inclusion of topics in sexual education regarding orientations and gender identities.

A candidate is labeled opposing if they oppose things like critical race theory, mask and/or vaccine requirements, or comprehensive sexual education.

After identifying a winner’s stances on all three issues, we then group candidates together into four categories:

  • Supporting, if the winner was labeled supporting on at least one topic and opposing on none.
  • Opposing, if the winner was labeled opposing on at least one topic and supporting on none.
  • Mixed, if the winner was labeled as supporting on at least one topic and opposing on another.
  • Unclear, if the winner was labeled unclear on all three topics, meaning we could not definitively categorize the winner under one of the above labels.

The following tables show results from our work conducted so far. Supporting and opposing candidates have won roughly the same number of seats, with unclear candidates making up a slightly larger number.

These values are not win rates, instead, they show the percentage of the seats that will be held by candidates based on their stances.

This is the third school board conflict results analysis Ballotpedia has conducted since 2021. Results from previous analyses are shown below:

We will be back with the final results after Thanksgiving. Until then, you can follow our progress using the link below.

Keep reading 

Twenty-two states in 2018 and 2020 elected statewide candidates from a different party 

Earlier this week, we looked at the states that elected a U.S. Senator and a governor from a different party in the Nov. 8 elections (more details below in this week’s trivia). Continuing this ticket-splitting theme, let’s look at the states where voters elected statewide candidates from different parties in the 2018 and 2020 general elections.

We’ll also look at the difference in votes separating the winning candidate who received the most votes from the winning candidate who received the fewest votes.

In the majority of states that held statewide elections in 2018 and 2020, voters elected candidates for statewide offices from the same party. But a combined 22 states in both years elected candidates from more than one party in statewide elections. 

In 2018, 14 states elected statewide candidates from more than one party. In 2020, that number was eight. 

2020

In Arizona, Georgia, Michigan, North Carolina, New Hampshire, New Mexico, Pennsylvania, Vermont, and Washington, voters elected statewide candidates from different parties. 

The table below shows the highest vote-getting and lowest vote-getting candidates and the offices they won. Cells are colored according to the candidate’s party affiliation.

On average, in 2020, more than 163,972 votes separated the winning candidate with the most votes and the winning candidate with the fewest votes. 

To put it another way, the lowest winning vote-getter received on average only 85% of the votes of the highest winning vote-getter. For example, in North Carolina in 2020, commissioner of agriculture candidate Steve Troxler (R) received 2,901,849 to win the office, while incumbent U.S. Sen. Thom Tillis (R) received 2,665,598 to win the office—a difference of 236,251 votes.

In Washington, commissioner of insurance candidate Mike Kreidler (D) received 2,506,693 votes, whereas lieutenant governor candidate Denny Heck (D) received 1,658,405 votes—a 40% difference. 

The chart below shows the vote difference between the winning candidate with the highest number of votes and the winning candidate with the lowest number of votes. Colors at the end-points of each bar represent the winning candidate’s party affiliation.  

The three states with the biggest gap between the winning candidate with the highest votes and the winning candidate with the lowest votes were:

  • Washington (848,288)
  • Michigan (381,783)
  • Arizona (282,231)

The three states with the smallest gap between the winning candidate with the highest votes and the winning candidate with the lowest votes were:

  • New Hampshire (65,831)
  • Vermont (83,625)
  • Pennsylvania (169,595)

2018

In Arizona, Florida, Iowa, Kansas, Massachusetts, Maryland, Maine, Michigan, Missouri, Montana, North Dakota, Nevada, Ohio, and Vermont, voters elected statewide candidates from different parties.

In 2018, an average of 203,087 votes separated the winning candidate with the most votes and the winning candidate with the fewest votes. The lowest winning vote-getter received on average only 83% of the votes of the highest winning vote-getter. 

For example, in Florida, the winner of the attorney general election, Ashley B. Moody (R) received 4,232,532. The winner of the commissioner of agriculture and consumer services election, Nikki Fried (D), received 4,032,954. 

In Maryland, the winner of the comptroller election, Peter Franchot (D), received 344,620 more votes than Boyd Rutherford (R), the winner of the lieutenant governor race. 

The chart below shows the vote difference between the winning candidate with the highest number of votes and the winning candidate with the lowest number of votes. Colors at the end-points of each bar represent the winning candidate’s party affiliation.  

The three states with the biggest gap between the winning candidate with the highest votes and the winning candidate with the lowest votes were:

  • Michigan (666,984)
  • Ohio (502,505)
  • Maryland (344,620)

The three states with the smallest gap between the winning candidate with the highest votes and the winning candidate with the lowest votes were:

  • Montana (6,746)
  • Maine (23,613)
  • Nevada (33,846)

Keep reading 

#FridayTrivia: How many states elected a governor and U.S. Senator from a different party (so far)?

On the topic of ticket-splitting, in last Monday’s Brew, we shared our analysis of split-ticket voting in this year’s statewide general elections. Twenty-six states held elections for governor and U.S. Senate on Nov. 8. Of that total, we have called races in 24 states. Races for both offices in Alaska remain uncalled and Georgia voters, who re-elected Gov. Brian Kemp (R), have to wait until a Dec. 6 runoff to pick their Senator.

Of the 24 states where we have full results available, how many elected a governor and U.S. Senator from a different party?

  1. 2
  2. 12
  3. 8
  4. 5


Florida Republican candidates have spent $132.6 million more than Democrats

In Florida, state-level candidates have spent $251.1 million between Jan. 1, 2021, and Nov. 3, 2022. Democratic candidates have spent $51.5 million and Republican candidates have spent $184.1 million. 

Florida Campaign Finance Snapshot (1/1/2021 – 11/3/2022)

Top 10 Democratic candidates, by expenditures (1/1/2021 – 11/3/2022)

In the 2022 election cycle, 265 state-level Democrats have filed campaign finance reports with the Florida Secretary of State. Here are the 10 Democratic candidates who have spent the most.

RankDemocratic CandidateTotal spent
1.Charlie Crist$30,883,270.61
2.Nicole Nikki Fried$3,570,644.83
3.Loranne Ausley$627,464.43
4.Reggie Gaffney$604,677.91
5.Hillary Cassel$584,831.46
6.Lauren Book$562,342.35
7.Barbara Sharief$549,734.40
8.Janet Cruz$436,164.48
9.Annette Taddeo$383,267.42
10.Allison Tant$378,290.31

Top 10 Republican candidates, by expenditures (1/1/2021 – 11/3/2022)

During the same time period, 276 Republicans have filed campaign finance reports with the Florida Secretary of State. These are the 10 Republican candidates with the highest reported expenditures for the 2022 election cycle so far.

RankRepublican CandidateTotal spent
1.Ron DeSantis$129,719,733.61
2.Wilton Simpson$8,867,338.49
3.Ashley Moody$6,610,295.19
4.Ralph E Massullo Jr$1,738,018.86
5.Jimmy Patronis$1,384,415.66
6.Colleen Burton$950,372.27
7.Ed Hooper$913,910.56
8.David Smith$693,118.71
9.Ray Rodrigues$681,609.50
10.Jessica Baker$622,255.67

In some states, officeholders may make expenditures from their campaign accounts when they are not up for election. Those expenditures are included in candidate campaign finance numbers.

The data above are based on campaign finance reports that active Florida candidate PACs submitted to the Florida Secretary of State. Transparency USA publishes campaign finance data following major reporting deadlines. State or federal law may require filers to submit additional reports.

Name of ReportReporting PeriodDeadline
2021 Q4 (2021 M12)10/1/2021 – 12/31/20211/10/2022
2022 Q1 (2022 M1,M2,M3)1/1/2022 – 3/31/20224/11/2022
2022 Primary 2 (M4, M5, Primary 1 & P2)4/1/2022 – 6/30/20227/8/2022
2022 General 1 (Primary 2, 2A, 3,4,5,6, P7 & General 1, G1A)7/1/2022 – 9/2/20229/9/2022
2022 General 3 (General 2,2A,3 & 3A)9/3/2022 – 9/30/202210/7/2022
2023 Jan Semiannual (General 4, 4A, 5 & Semiannual)10/1/2022 – 12/31/20221/10/2023

This article is a joint publication from Ballotpedia and Transparency USA, who are working together to provide campaign finance information for state-level elections. Learn more about our work here.



Ohio Republican candidates have spent $28.8 million more than Democrats

In Ohio, state-level candidates have spent $73.5 million between Jan. 1, 2021, and Oct. 19, 2022. Democratic candidates have spent $21.3 million and Republican candidates have spent $50.5 million. 

Ohio Campaign Finance Snapshot (1/1/2021 – 10/19/2022)

Top 10 Democratic candidates, by expenditures (1/1/2021 – 10/19/2022)

In the 2022 election cycle, 236 state-level Democrats have filed campaign finance reports with the Ohio Secretary of State’s office. Here are the 10 Democratic candidates who have spent the most.

RankDemocratic CandidateTotal spent
1.Nan Whaley$7,649,680.15
2.John Cranley$3,183,605.84
3.Jennifer Brunner$631,830.36
4.Terri Jamison$434,895.16
5.Dani Isaacsohn$428,562.88
6.Jeffrey Crossman$393,757.45
7.Allison Russo$378,833.16
8.Casey Weinstein$331,423.59
9.Patricia Goetz$328,221.58
10.Nickie Antonio$263,209.80

Top 10 Republican candidates, by expenditures (1/1/2021 – 10/19/2022)

During the same time period, 241 Republicans have filed campaign finance reports with the Ohio Secretary of State’s office. These are the 10 Republican candidates with the highest reported expenditures for the 2022 election cycle so far.

RankRepublican CandidateTotal spent
1.Richard Michael DeWine$13,597,109.39
2.James Renacci$4,901,473.51
3.Frank Larose$3,092,038.57
4.David Yost$2,808,457.36
5.Sharon Kennedy$1,849,105.67
6.Pat Dewine$1,539,188.98
7.Robert Sprague$1,183,218.96
8.Pat Fischer$1,007,558.41
9.Matthew Huffman$865,382.29
10.Jay Edwards$852,515.73

In some states, officeholders may make expenditures from their campaign accounts when they are not up for election. Those expenditures are included in candidate campaign finance numbers.

The data above are based on campaign finance reports that active Florida candidate PACs submitted to the Ohio Secretary of State’s office. Transparency USA publishes campaign finance data following major reporting deadlines. State or federal law may require filers to submit additional reports.

StateReport NameDue Date
OH2021 Annual1/31/2022
OH2022 Pre-Primary4/21/2022
OH2022 Post-Primary6/10/2022
OH2022 Semiannual7/29/2022
OH2022 Pre-General10/27/2022
OH2022 Post-General12/16/2022

This article is a joint publication from Ballotpedia and Transparency USA, who are working together to provide campaign finance information for state-level elections. Learn more about our work here.



Texas Republican candidates have spent $190.9 million more than Democrats

In Texas, state-level candidates have spent $488.7 million between Jan. 1, 2021, and Oct. 29, 2022. Democratic candidates have spent $146.1 million and Republican candidates have spent $337 million. 

Texas Campaign Finance Snapshot (1/1/2021 – 10/29/2022)

Top 10 Democratic candidates, by expenditures (1/1/2021 – 10/29/2022)

In the 2022 election cycle, 684 state-level Democrats have filed campaign finance reports with the Texas Ethics Commission. Here are the 10 Democratic candidates who have spent the most.

RankDemocratic CandidateTotal spent
1.Beto O’Rourke$70,108,690.06
2.John Whitmire$8,368,553.94
3.Morgan LaMantia$5,772,304.07
4.Michael Collier$4,935,294.81
5.Rochelle Garza$3,398,021.63
6.Jay Kleberg$3,309,259.47
7.Joe S Jaworski$1,873,117.72
8.Chuy Hinojosa$1,115,448.96
9.Judith Zaffirini$1,111,843.20
10.Richard Pena Raymond$1,002,241.89

Top 10 Republican candidates, by expenditures (1/1/2021 – 10/29/2022)

During the same time period, 750 Republicans have filed campaign finance reports with the California Secretary of State. These are the 10 Republican candidates with the highest reported expenditures for the 2022 election cycle so far.

RankRepublican CandidateTotal spent
1.Greg Abbott$141,326,022.77
2.Dan Patrick$24,416,309.39
3.Donald Huffines$20,148,810.78
4.Ken Paxton$15,701,394.30
5.George P Bush$9,997,762.92
6.Glenn Hegar$7,272,686.15
7.Eva Guzman$6,350,149.38
8.Dade Phelan$6,207,521.58
9.Dawn Buckingham$4,539,400.94
10.David Middleton II$2,443,309.31

In some states, officeholders may make expenditures from their campaign accounts when they are not up for election. Those expenditures are included in candidate campaign finance numbers.

The data above are based on campaign finance reports that active Texas candidate PACs submitted to the Texas Ethics Commission. Transparency USA publishes campaign finance data following major reporting deadlines. State or federal law may require filers to submit additional reports.

StateReport NameDue Date
TX2021 Annual Lobbying1/10/2022
TX2022 Jan Semiannual1/18/2022
TX2022 Pre-Primary (30 Days)1/31/2022
TX2022 Pre-Primary (8 Days)2/22/2022
TX2022 Mar Lobbying4/10/2022
TX2022 Primary Runoff5/16/2022
TX2022 June Lobbying7/10/2022
TX2022 Jul Semiannual7/15/2022
TX2022 Pre-General (30 Days)10/11/2022
TX2022 Sept Lobbying10/10/2022
TX2022 Pre-General (8 Days)10/31/2022
TX2022 Dec Lobbying1/10/2023
TX2022 Semiannual Data1/17/2023

This article is a joint publication from Ballotpedia and Transparency USA, who are working together to provide campaign finance information for state-level elections. Learn more about our work here.



Wisconsin Democratic candidates have spent $6.5 million more than Republicans

In Wisconsin, state-level candidates have spent $108.7 million between Jan. 1, 2021, and Oct. 24, 2022. Democratic candidates have spent $54.2 million and Republican candidates have spent $47.7 million. 

Wisconsin Campaign Finance Snapshot (1/1/2021 – 10/24/2022)

Top 10 Democratic candidates, by expenditures (1/1/2021 – 10/24/2022)

In the 2022 election cycle, 203 state-level Democrats have filed campaign finance reports with the Wisconsin Ethics Commission. Here are the 10 Democratic candidates who have spent the most.

RankDemocratic CandidateTotal spent
1.Tony Evers$40,238,504.43
2.Josh Kaul$3,801,099.50
3.Sara Rodriguez$1,296,619.09
4.Jeff Smith$733,530.46
5.Steve Doyle$712,888.09
6.Lori Palmeri$526,437.46
7.Katrina Shankland$455,153.14
8.Gillian Battino$370,870.88
9.Don Vruwink$349,437.44
10.Clinton Anderson$344,498.54

Top 10 Republican candidates, by expenditures (1/1/2021 – 10/24/2022)

During the same time period, 233 Republicans have filed campaign finance reports with the Wisconsin Ethics Commission. These are the 10 Republican candidates with the highest reported expenditures for the 2022 election cycle so far.

RankRepublican CandidateTotal spent
1.Tim Michels$24,534,843.74
2.Rebecca Kleefisch$8,221,508.59
3.Roger Roth$957,218.17
4.Kevin Nicholson$589,900.51
5.Adam M Jarchow$577,601.64
6.Eric Toney$521,315.47
7.Howard Marklein$456,876.74
8.Ryan Owens$450,353.35
9.Rachael Cabral-Guevara$430,802.80
10.Robin Vos$427,066.53

In some states, officeholders may make expenditures from their campaign accounts when they are not up for election. Those expenditures are included in candidate campaign finance numbers.

The data above are based on campaign finance reports that active Wisconsin candidate PACs submitted to the Wisconsin Ethics Commission. Transparency USA publishes campaign finance data following major reporting deadlines. State or federal law may require filers to submit additional reports.

StateReport NameDue Date
IN2022 Jan Semiannual1/19/2022
IN2022 Statewide Quarterly/Semiannual7/15/2022
IN2022 Pre-Election10/17/2022
IN2022 Statewide Quarterly11/1/2022
IN2022 Annual Report1/18/2023

This article is a joint publication from Ballotpedia and Transparency USA, who are working together to provide campaign finance information for state-level elections. Learn more about our work here.